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The Cambodian Death Traps: It Won't Be Easy to Get Out of It, and Why By Professor Naranhkiri Tith SAIS, The Johns Hopkins University Washington, DC July 2000 Introduction:
The
purpose of this paper is to explore the causes and sources of the
continued suffering of the majority of the Cambodian people and the continued
hold of power in Cambodia by the criminal regime of the Cambodian
People's Party (CPP). At the same time, the international community appears to
also capitulate to Hun Sen' s threats and manipulations. Cambodians are now in
these death traps that are built by both the Vietnamese and our own people, and
it will not be easy to get out of them. It
is hoped that by looking squarely into the causes and sources of this tragedy,
future generations of Cambodians inside and outside Cambodia might be able to
come up with new ideas in order to allow the Cambodian people to get out
safely from these death traps. Most
Cambodians still blame the Vietnamese for all the disaster that befell on
Cambodia since the 18th century. It is true that
Vietnam has been trying to colonize Cambodia for almost three centuries. It is
true that this colonialist policy of Vietnam continues until today. The invasion
of Cambodia in 1978 was the most obvious and recent manifestation of that
imperialist policy. Despite
the fact that the invasion of Cambodia was acknowledged by the international
community as an act of aggression and Vietnam was overwhelmingly condemned for
that action at the United Nations, Vietnam succeeded in installing a subservient
government, the CPP before withdrawing. More
importantly, it has succeeded to turn the table around in its favor by
judiciously playing the Khmer Rouge card, and by using and enhancing its own
image as victim of foreign aggressions. Although, Cambodia has also been a
victim of one of the worst holocausts in modem history, the Cambodian people are
not viewed as victims of a foreign aggression but rather of their own making. For instance, Vietnam fought against France, China and the United States and very successfully. While in Cambodia, Sihanouk gave permission to the US to carpet bombing the Eastern part of Cambodia without informing those who lived in that area, and while the CPP allowed the Vietnamese army to invade Cambodia in order to save their own skin. These events showed that Cambodians are insensitive to the well-being of their own people, and therefore, from the international community's point of view, they are not victims of any foreign aggressions. On the contrary, Vietnam has become not the invader of Cambodia, but its liberator. At this point, it is interesting to ask the following questions 1.
Why did the international community remain almost indifferent to this
Vietnamese imperialist policy? 2.
Why did the international community continue to bend backward to support
the criminal regime of Hun Sen and the CPP, despite its continued gross
violation of human rights and naked abuses of democratic principles and civil
society? 3.
Why are Cambodians not able to behave more like victims rather than
victimizers? Are cultural isolation and intellectual disconnection the main
causes of this bad image of Cambodians? 4.
And if Cambodians have such a bad image, how are they going to do to
changing it? (See
the appendix entitled: The Vietnamese Issues) There
is little doubt that Vietnam continues to consolidate its imperialist grip on
Cambodia and Laos. Vietnam has been building the death trap for Cambodians for
the last three centuries. Let
us now examine the reasons why Vietnam has been successful in its colonialist
policy. Contrary to the majority of Cambodians, this writer believes that the
Vietnamese are not the only ones to be blamed for the demise of the Cambodian
people. The blame must also be borne by the Cambodian people or at least by some
of them, especially the Khmer Rouge, the Royalists, and the CPP. By sheer
ignorance or callousness, these three groups of Cambodians also contributed to
the building of the death trap for their own people. Vietnam
continued to maintain a closed relationship proclaimed in 1979 as
irreversible" with its wartime partners and friends, the Pathet Lao and the
CPP. A most recent meeting which took place last October, in Vientiane between
the former three wartime partners testified to that ongoing and still strong
alliance between these three countries under Vietnam leadership. This meeting
took place despite the fact that members of ASEAN are not supposed to have a
sub-block within it. The
recent security problem created by some Loa resistance and anti communist
movement prompted the government of Laos to request for Vietnam help. The visit
to Vietnam by Hun Sen just Three days before the 1997 Hun Sen' s coup against
FUNCINPEC, was also another manifestation of that irreversible policy and
alliance, and of Vietnam's continued strong hold on its smaller former Indochina
partners. At
this point it is important to warn those
misguided group of Cambodians (the so-called Cambodian Freedom Fighters or CFF)
who are advocating the use of armed resistance to fight against Hun Sen and the
CPP. First of all, there will be no support for such an armed insurrection from
any countries in the world including the United States, and especially the
much-needed base in Thailand. Let'
s suppose that even if this group succeeds in having sufficient number of
followers to be able to harass Hun Sen army; the international community would
not tolerate this kind of armed insurrection against an "elected
government" recognized by the UN in the 1998 elections. On
the contrary, the UN will allow Vietnam to re-enter Cambodia at the request of
Hun Sen to eradicate this kind of armed resistance. This is so, because Sihanouk
and Ranariddh are now fully supporting Hun Sen. Based on these premises, the
international community (UN) would now be prepared to officially recognize
Vietnam's right to intervene into Cambodian affairs. And this will be the end of
Cambodia. Since, there are so many other places in the troubled world that the UN is already involved in; there is not the slightest chance that it will again return to Cambodia to do the cleaning job as it did in 1991-93. Cambodia had its chance then. It lost it, it is almost certain that Cambodia won't have that opportunity again because the financial and human resources are just not there for the UN to do it again, anytime soon. (For
the background reading on this section, please refer to the appendix entitled: History
and other Aspects of Cambodian problems) II.
The Khmer Rouge Built Death Trap The
Khmer Rouge not only killed two million individual Cambodians; but more
tragically, they murdered the soul and the spirit of the Cambodian people, by
destroying every aspect of the social, cultural, and institutional set up of
Cambodia. Why did the Khmer rouge behave so differently from other totalitarian
groups from the left or the right? According to Bruce Sharp (The Unique
Revolution, 1997), a keen Cambodian observer of the Khmer Rouge movement, the
following answer was given: " The Cambodian revolution stands
apart from other upheavals because the Khmer Rouge ombined astonishing brutality with astonishing stupidity. " They were so brutal that no rationale can be brought to explain why they had to kill their own kind with such inhumane manner. For instance, they emptied the cities in 48 hours including hospitals, and did not allow any time for the evacuees to bring any medicine or food with them. There were no places that were prepared to receive these masses of people from the cities. The purpose for such sadistic and cruel way of treating people was to break down any kind of resistance against them. They were suspicious of anybody, including their own cadre. The Khmer Rouge enjoyed torturing people before killing them. The mass killings by the Khmer rouge were done in the most barbaric way by using axes or clubs to bludgeon to death innocent children, men and women, old and young, to spare using bullets. They were most of all very xenophobic. They are the ones who provide the lowest common denominator to judge any future Cambodian political and social behavior. It is because of this singular and brutal political and ideological background, that Hun Sen appears now to the international community as the lesser of the two evils. That is why the apparent insensitivity of the international community to Hun Sen' s constant abuses of democratic and civil society principles has become more understandable, although not acceptable. And that is why the Vietnamese encroachment into Cambodian affairs becomes benign when compared to the Khmer Rouge excesses. Their
stupidity resides in the fact that normally a country like Cambodia which never
have a strong social and political organization to start with, particularly
compared to Vietnam, the Khmer Rouge went ahead with the mass killing to weaken
Cambodia further. They believed in the utopian world of scientific communism,
where no money is needed, and where everybody wears the kind of same cloth and
eats the same kind of food, and where big bother (Angkar) will watch over every
act and gesture of each individual day and night. All individuality was erased
and to be replaced by collective behavior and discipline. There
was no parallel of such demented behavior in the modem history of mankind; even
during the harshest days of Leninism in Russia during the early 1920's. Is this
a Khmer Rouge aberration or more dangerously a Cambodian trait of character?
Some Cambodian Americans, especially those who are participants in the Soc.
culture.com, web site, constantly blame the Vietnamese for all these bad things
that have been taken place in Cambodia, since the 1993 elections. Similar ultra
nationalistic behavior pushed these people to talk about eliminating all
Vietnamese in Cambodia (Chau Bury). The same xenophobic behavior still prevails
among these same Cambodian Americans, despite the fact that they are living in
this great country does not have room for such bigotry. The
behavior of these groups of Cambodian Americans points to the depth of the image
problem that All Cambodians are having. I am afraid that it will not be easy to
go against this trend. Because Cambodians are afraid to face this kind of
people. Most Cambodians tend to withdraw rather facing such kind of persons.
This is tantamount to capitulate in front of the force of evil and to prolong
the bad image of all Cambodians. The Khmer Rouge death trap is the most
difficult one to deal with. However, the Royal trap is III.
The Royalty built death trap By
tradition, the Cambodian identity is associated with the royal family or the
cult of god-king, since the Angkor Era. Until today, the only alternative to
communist ideology is the monarchy. And this is an old trap. During the last two
elections (1993 and 1998), the only alternative to Hun Sen CPP was FUNCIINPEC,
while SAM RAINSY Party was a poor third choice. It was clear that most
Cambodians did not want to vote for Hun Sen CPP. In 1993, they clearly showed
their displeasure of the CPP track records by overwhelmingly voting for
FUNCINPEC. Again, in 1998, most people still continued to vote for FUNICINPEC,
despite the fact that they knew full well that FUNCINPEC became as corrupt and
as unlawful as the CPP. What
most people did not know, was the fact that Sihanouk, and especially his wife
Monique had already formed a tacit alliance with Hun Sen since 1987. This is now
clear to this writer, because soon after the meeting around Paris in 1987
between Sihanouk and Hun Sen, two of Sihanouk' s children, Chakrapong and Bopha
Devi became vice premier and minister of Culture, respectively, in the then Hun
Sen Government of the State of Cambodia (SOC). Knowing these royal family
members, it was not possible to see two of Sihanouk children in the Hun Sen
government without the tacit blessing of their royal father. As
usual, Sihanouk was able to hide his sordid and evil scheme very well by playing
the patriotic card. In doing so, he was able to fool his own son, Norodom
Ranariddh, and use him to advance his cooperation with Hun Sen, in the hope that
Hun Sen would favor Monique to be queen after his death. This
maneuvering became even more clear after the 1997 coup, when Sihanouk
immediately endorsed Hun Sen' s coup, against his own son. This kind of behavior
is nothing surprising among royal family members since the Angkor time. Betrayal
is the order of the day in the royal circle. And this in turn has been one of
the main causes for the downfall of Cambodia. When
viewed from this royal deceitful behavior, it is clear that the international
community did not have any choice but to support Hun Sen. Because, Sihanouk
still has a tremendous prestige among foreigners. This fact must be taken
seriously if one is to understand the real dilemma of today's Cambodia. (Please,
see the Rise and Fall of the Khmer Rouge by Armando Manalo) Conclusion: I have
been trying to analyze the different causes and source of the current social and
political problems in Cambodia (see: In the Years of Dying). I have shown
that the Vietnamese are not the only cause for the decay of Cambodian society
see: Exploring Cambodia's Evolution of Corruption, and also: Cambodia
Plagued by Torture: Report). The Cambodian people must also share the blame.
That Hun Sen is subservient to the Vietnamese should be no surprise to anybody.
But, the hidden alliance between Hun Sen and Sihanouk is probably more
understood by the international community than by most Cambodians (see Stephen
Moffis: Covering up the Killing Fields). There will be no possible
Cambodian solution until Sihanouk disappears from the Cambodian political scene.
But, time is not on the Cambodian side because of the influx of illegal
Vietnamese immigrants, as there is practically no borders between Vietnam and
Cambodia due to the existence of systemic and pervasive corruption in Cambodia. But
the main source of all the ills that the Cambodian people are enduring silently
but very painfully, stems from the legacy of stupidity and brutality which was
left behind by the Khmer Rouge. This legacy allows the international community
to accept more easily Hun Sen as the lesser of the two evils, especially with
Sihanouk' s endorsement (see the interview of Ambassador Kent Wiederman on the
Khmer Rouge trial). This policy was facilitated by the ineptitude of FLJNCINPEC
under the leadership of Norodom Ranariddh. He had the chance to pull Cambodia
out of the disaster. He failed miserably because of his corrupt personality and
of his well-known incompetence. Where
do we go from here? There are signs of hope inside Cambodia, because the civil
society has started to take roots. Also, the world has evolved to a more open
society, including China and Vietnam. The main problem for Cambodia is to find
the right kind of leaders when that time will have arrived. This is where WCC
can play a significant role, by sticking to our basic ethical and moral
principles and respect for democracy and civil society, and to have the courage
of speaking up on these vital issues concerning the Cambodian society. I do hope
that this presentation will help to motivate younger Cambodian Americans toward
this eventual possibility of seeing the light at the end of this long and
suffocating tunnel. *************************************** Appendix 2. The Khmer Rouge Trial Issues 3. WCC and the Cambodian Community 4. History and other aspects of Cambodian Problems See also 1. Views of the Clinton Administration and the U.S. Congress 2. Letter to Ambassador Abramowitz, by Naranhkiri Tith 3. Hanoi's Role in the Cambodian Coup, by Free Vietnam Alliance (FVA) 4. Sam Rainsy Condemned Cambodian Revenge Attacks on Vietnamese 5. A Cambodian View of Sam Rainsy
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